Category: sociology

  • Caste-Capitalism Nexus – An Overview

    In this post, I’ll describe how caste and capitalism exist as closely related structures that reinforce each other in modern India. I begin by defining caste and capitalism. Then I describe how caste forms the bedrock for capitalism in India. And finally I talk about ways that capitalism reinforces caste, completing the loop that forms the nexus.

    Some caveats

    Firstly, it is important to note that any social theory has limitations. The society is vastly more complex than any single theory can explain. But individual theories are still useful as they explain some parts of the society, and can be combined with other theories to form a more comprehensive worldview. Therefore, while critically reading this post, try to think about the potential for it to explain and predict social phenomenon, and about the events or situations it cannot explain or will fail to predict, rather than trying to say how this is all stupid because something else can explain all of this. (I’m especially worried about you Marxists)

    Secondly, the definitions used in this post are going to be entirely mine. Of course there’s no original idea and everything that I write will have been influenced by other people and their works (which I’ll try to quote wherever I remember exactly where I got an idea from). But, more importantly, there is a good chance these definitions are flawed and therefore do not really define the concepts that I am discussing. Accordingly, please apply your discretion when drawing conclusions.

    Thirdly, my lived experiences are that of a very privileged person. This can often be seen as a hindrance to understand a topic like caste. But in this post I will try to rely majorly on my own insights from having lived inside savarna ecosystem, thereby not having to rely much on second hand lived experience. This is a valid approach that can be categorized under “critical savarna studies” as described by Ravikant Kisana.

    Fourthly, please have patience with me as I go through thought exercises. Mine is a method that tries to arrive at the truth through generating multiple hypotheses and being very much unafraid of being judged for such hypotheses. It can be triggering to people on either side of the anti-caste — casteist spectrum.

    Defining caste

    Most savarna people deny caste by defining caste as “(merely a) category for the job you’re doing”. As per their definition someone who does knowledge work is a brahmin (and so on…), and it has nothing to do with birth. But this is not the reality of how caste is practiced and if you need explanation for how there is no flexibility in caste assignment and how it is entirely based on birth, this post is not for you.

    Many definitions of caste among sane people then describe how caste looks externally. For example:

    • caste is a fixed social hierarchy in which membership is through birth and birth alone
    • the essence of caste is endogamy
    • caste is a division of laborers, not a division of labor

    The last one specifically is a response to people who claim that a society will need to have different people doing different jobs and that it is inevitable that there is a hierarchy and stratification like that based on job (division of labor). The division in reality is not that of labor, but that of who can do what labor. Certain sections of people are restricted to doing certain jobs — and this assignment is based on their birth — and that permanent assignment is what is called as caste.

    I was in the Scouts program in school. When we do a camp, we are divided into groups of 8 called a patrol. There are several roles in a patrol — leader, assistant leader, treasurer, cook, equipments handler, tent handler, and so on. The roles keep rotating every day in an elaborate ceremony. Imagine if a kid was forever stuck in a role like cook, they would never be able to go around and do the fun things in the camp. Every kid can understand how it is only the right thing to do to rotate the roles.
    While there is division of labor, there is no division of laborers in the scout patrol. Everyone gets to do every role. Nobody is forced to be stuck in any role. The caste system ensures that people are forever stuck in roles — whether they like it or not, whether they’re qualified for it or not. And that’s why it is a division of laborers, and not a division of labor.

    The savarna defense at this point is to claim that nobody forces anyone to do any job, at least in 2025. That there is upward mobility that has been made possible by capitalism and disappearance of caste. These are not true as we discuss later in this post. But the existence of this defense makes it important to define caste in a different way. And that is where I come up with an operational definition of caste which will both explain how caste continues to exist and also make it easier to understand the connection with capitalism.

    I define caste as a person considering another person as a lesser human based on their (caste) identity. Unlike the earlier definitions, this definition is based on introspection of what goes inside a savarna person’s mind when they are being casteist. The parentheses around “caste” makes this definition have two forms. In the narrow form, caste is defined as: a person considering another person as a lesser human based on their caste identity, and in the broad form caste is defined as: a person considering another person as a lesser human based on their identity. In the broader definition of caste, therefore, it is possible to include gender, appearance, race, tribe, and several other forms of identity. We will try to use the broader definition sparingly.

    It is important to be very critical about this definition before we proceed. Let us first see how we can practically apply this definition.

    A very common form of caste discrimination is focused on what people eat. You see brahmins on social media calling people “rakshas” (demon) for eating meat. This demonization of people is built over a hierarchy applied to food, where certain food are considered the best and certain other food are considered the worst. And then this hierarchy is applied to the humans who eat those food too. And that’s used as an excuse not to be near those humans.

    So, how does our definition hold against this? There is a person seeing another person as less human (as a demon). But is it based on caste identity? The savarna person reading this will be like “no it is not based on caste identity, it is based on the food they consume”.

    But here’s where we need to distinguish between rationalizations and reasons. When a person says they’re discriminating against someone not based on what their caste is, but based on what they eat, they’re rationalizing. What is actually happening is that this person is discriminating based on caste identity. And then they retrofit the rationalization that it is based on food choices.

    If the discrimination was indeed based on food choices, and not based on caste identity, then the brahmins would have to check lunch boxes before they discriminate. On the days a dalit person has fruits and nuts in their lunch box, the brahmin would have to embrace them. On the days a brahmin friend of his brings chicken, the brahmin would have to stay away from him. Even if the latter happens, the former doesn’t happen. Those who claim that they discriminate based on food choices, actually don’t check food choice every day. They just assign general food choices based on caste identity and follow the pattern of discrimination.

    And so, seeing the other person as less human is actually based on caste identity.

    And the proof of this is what happens when it comes to marriage. When it is time for a brahmin person to get an arranged marriage, the family will start looking at a matrimony website dedicated to their caste. Why? Some people will openly state that they’re casteist and that they will only approve marriages within their caste. But some others will mask their casteism in explanations like “see, people of other castes will have different culture and we can’t adjust to those. They will eat meat, for example”. But matrimony websites are not based on diet or culture. They’re based on caste. So, any explanation other than caste that they give is actually just a rationalization of their caste based choice.

    Another advantage of defining caste this way is that it can be used to identify casteism on a day-to-day basis. A savarna-passing dalit (a dalit person who can speak like and mingle with the savarna crowd and can appear to a savarna person as another savarna person) will suddenly start getting discriminated against when the people they work with recognize they are dalit. This is why there is a concept of closeted dalit, and “coming out as dalit”. While everything else — job, location, name, appearance — remains the same, someone coming out as dalit, and consequently facing discrimination can be identified as caste through our definition.

    The need for the broader definition

    While the narrow definition works, why do we still need the broader definition? How is it that sometimes caste is not based on caste identity?

    This is where things become a bit messy. Have you heard the story of the cat to be tied before pooja?

    There was a cat that lived in a temple. It used to run around a lot and eat the pooja items. Tired of this the poojari started tying the cat to a pole before starting pooja. He would do this every day. After a couple of years the poojari became sick and started having his son poojari as assistant. Since he couldn’t run behind the cat, he would ask his son to catch the cat and tie it to the pole. The son would do it every time before pooja.
    After a few months, the older poojari retired and the son took over as the main poojari.
    Every day poojari junior would come, tie the cat to the pole and do pooja. All was going well till one day when he was on the way to do the pooja, he found the cat dead. Without wasting time he caught another cat from the neighborhood, took it to the temple, and tied it to the pole before starting pooja.

    The story of the cat tied to the pole might seem like it is about the stupidity of rituals or brahmins. But it is a problem that all humans face. They do not operate objectively. They are slaves of habit.

    The human brain isn’t rational. We have the ability to reason, but the reasons come after we have already made the choice. And the choices are made by using shorter circuits in our brain — habit, stereotypes, and patterns.

    Even when being casteist, human beings sometimes stop using the “logic” of caste identity, and fall back to proxy indicators — appearance, language, attitude, etc. Even though the rational thing (for casteist people) is to think of another person as a lesser human based on their caste identity, sometimes people can use other identifying factors to base this on.

    In other words, for someone to be casteist, they don’t need a birth certificate of the other person’s caste, and they don’t even need a self-declaration of their caste, but mere markers of caste background is enough.

    “While it may be possible for an educated, middle-class Dalit to pass for upper caste, it is never easy. If someone is curious about your caste, they can sniff you out in a thousand ways—your name, manners, dress, diet, family customs, ritual practices. The very fact this person is curious means they have some doubt.”

    ~ Sujatha Gidla

    If we take that argument another step forward, we could also question whether caste identity is really relevant in being casteist. We could wonder whether caste is at its core about treating some people (any people) as inferior and thinking of oneself belonging to a superior group. We could argue that as long as people get a target to feel superior over, it doesn’t matter to them what identity they use to ascertain that superiority. We could even say that this is the basis of competition between castes among brahmins themselves, for example.

    But I do not want to make such an extreme analysis as it doesn’t really contribute to our discussion. Also, it could be easily seen as erasure of caste, and equation of caste with other forms of discrimination like gender, and so on. It is sufficient for me to demonstrate that the broader definition of caste as treating another person as a lesser human based on their identity is useful to explain some forms of casteism where caste might not directly be obvious. And with that we can end this section.

    Defining capitalism

    Most definitions of capitalism operate around private property and profit. If you get the drift of this post, you should be expecting me to define it in my own way. And I will. After all, as I quoted from NCERT textbook in my last post, defining things for ourselves is a very important aspect of critical thinking.

    Unfortunately, a lot of people use this freedom unconsciously and define capitalism in strange ways. To them I would suggest that sometimes it is useful to read social science textbooks to learn about a topic too.

    Many, for example, see capitalism as equivalent to industries (big machines in factories and the like). They equate capitalism with economic growth. Subconsciously they’re operating on something they’ve heard in their childhood as “socialism = bad, capitalism = good”. In discussions when someone blames capitalism for something, they jump to its defense saying “had it not been for capitalism, you would all be so poor now”.

    The problem is not just that they see capitalism as the right answer, it is also that they define capitalism in a way where there’s no space for anything else to even be competing. They define capitalism as everything good, and they define everything else as everything bad. So, even before I define capitalism myself, I’m forced to create room for alternatives.

    Firstly, consider whether there are different flavors of state control of the market possible. The answer is yes. It is possible for the state to have a low touch (less regulations), or a high touch approach (lots of regulations). And before anyone says “oh, in true capitalism the market decides everything”, I’ll say without the state’s role in mediating there wouldn’t be any capitalism. The state ensures, at a minimum, law & order situations that allow the “free market” to start operating. If finance wasn’t so tightly regulated an industry, it would be impossible to operate any capitalistic system. Whether the state should tightly regulate prices and get embroiled in external trade using things like tariff (reference indeed to what’s happening in the capital of capitalism right now) is of course “optional” add-on. Whether high or low, there is always the state’s involvement in the so-called “free” market.

    Secondly, consider whether innovation has anything to do with private ownership and profit. Do human beings innovate only when the incentive is money in their bank account? Is there any role for incentives like fame, love, belonging, companionship, purpose, or joy in human desire for innovation?

    Thirdly, be conscious of the truism that human beings are selfish. Selfishness is a necessary element of capitalism and since capitalism is everywhere it’s been hammered into our minds that human beings are, by nature, selfish. Question this earnestly. Think about how much altruism could also be part of human nature. Think also about the conditions which will make people act selfish or altruistic.

    Hopefully now, you can begin to at least see capitalism as a spectrum, if not see alternatives to capitalism. And in that spectrum, I have the space to define the ugly version of capitalism that is all around us. I define that capitalism as a system in which “my profit” is considered a justifiable reason for doing whatever the fuck.

    Here are some things that capitalists do without any worry to protect or increase their profit:

    • destroy the planet
    • destroy the planet and claim that they’re going green
    • destroy democracies
    • kill competition
    • bribe decision makers to get decisions in their favor
    • forge accounts
    • hire people and exploit them, fire people whenever
    • set different salaries for different workers doing the same job
    • pay people as low as one can get away with
    • lie, mislead, and manipulate
    • not care about equity or justice (unless it is profitable to do so)
    • grab power and abuse power
    • intimidate, threaten, and kill people
    • abuse law to silence people

    While this list can go on and on, there are two patterns to recognize. One, that profit is the only value in capitalism and no other values exist. Two, that a lot of people in the society believe that capitalists are justified in prioritizing only profit and that there is nothing wrong with it.

    And with that let us get back to caste and look at what it does in the society such that it prepares a fertile soil for capitalism.

    Caste and its manifestations

    When savarna people try to erase caste, they restrict caste to physically violent forms of caste-based discrimination. They say things like “oh, but it is only in rural India that caste exists”, “oh, but among the educated there is no caste”.

    Their imagination of caste is exemplified by Bollywood movies portraying caste as the dalit family in a village facing ostracization and violence. Bollywood hasn’t shown caste as vegetarianism, as anti-reservation sentiments, or as various forms of sophisticated favoritism. In the limited savarna imagination, caste can exist only if there is a well and some people are prevented from taking water out of it.

    So much so that when literally that shit happens within their households they don’t see it as casteism. Domestic workers not being allowed to use glass or toilet. Workers being forced to use different lift in apartments. Not shaking hands with or sitting next to certain colleagues. Literally untouchability.

    I’ll repeat. Untouchability exists today. In various ways and forms. In the most elite places.

    If you follow any social media accounts of anti-caste people, you will also know that caste-based violence is a day to day reality for many people too. Rape, murder, dishonor killings. I will not document a lot of that in this post because the savarna urge would be to define caste as just all of the gruesome things that caste does and to shut their mind.

    What I’m interested in this section is to discuss the indirect manifestations of caste in our lives — the casteist assumptions that guide elite decision making that perpetuate systems of injustice.

    Let us start with education.

    Caste makes teachers treat students differently. Caste creates in teachers a judgement of how much one can learn, and they calibrate their effort accordingly. Their patience and their love is rationed and those at the lower end of caste hierarchy receive less affection and attention from teachers.

    This starts at very young ages. And kids grow up internalizing what they’ve been told they can and cannot do. Some are given wings. Others get their dreams killed.

    The higher in education you go, the gap widens considerably. Especially when the opportunities for education start becoming competitive.

    Notice that I haven’t mentioned anything about the compounding effects of overlapping issues above. For example, generations of caste based marginalization lead to many students being the first generation of learners in their family. This means they wouldn’t have had their parents schooling them at home. And this makes it extra difficult for them in the classroom. Similarly, wealth differences correlated with caste makes it difficult for students to get access to various things that help in learning — including even the prohibitive cost of applying for various competitive exams.

    The reason I mention compounding effects in a separate paragraph is to be clear that “oh, but this is not actually caste, it is class” is a false argument. It is caste compounded by class, gender, and other factors. And often the class difference is the result of caste.

    Now, let us look at opportunities.

    How are opportunities distributed in our society? Take job opportunities. Most jobs are fulfilled through personal networks. Even when there is a job advertisement, it is circulated through WhatsApp channels that mirror personal networks. Take funding opportunities. The call for a grant or scholarship might be on a public website. But the URL to that is distributed through email groups and twitter channels that are all again mirrors of personal networks. My point is that most opportunities in our society are distributed through personal networks. There is no central notice board where all opportunities are equally accessible to everyone.

    And how are personal networks formed? For a lot of savarna people I’ve seen this starts with family circles. “Oh, I found this chartered accountant through my uncle and he helped me with formation of my company when I was 22”, “Oh, so <famous person XYZ> is my aunt”. Some savarna folks recognize this as a nepotism allegation and claim that there is nothing they can do about it. But most of them are blind to such privileges. To them it feels natural to have a chacha who’s helping them get their break.

    Even when people don’t rely on their family circles for growing their personal networks, their caste identity helps them. It is easier for a savarna person to strike up a conversation and build a relationship with a random savarna person. Sometimes they bond over their shared caste identity. Regardless, they find it easier to trust each other and open doors for each other.

    And remember how it is not always the literal caste identity. Often it is about proxy markers like appearance, confidence, accent, or relatable cultural references. Many people don’t realize how they’re judging some people as more capable merely by how they present themselves.

    That brings us to wealth.

    If you limit someone’s education and opportunities, can you expect them to grow wealthy? No.

    But even in isolation wealth has a compounding effect by itself. Rich becomes richer. That also means that those who start with assets will find it easier to grow wealthy.

    My parents are both alive and in government service in Kerala. They both make lots of money for themselves and savings and investments. I stopped taking money from them about 10 years ago when I finished MBBS. But, I’ve never had to worry too much about making money. I could take risks because I know that if something goes horribly wrong, I will likely get help from my parents. Also I could save whatever I earned. I didn’t have to send it anywhere. I also had financial literacy. And all of this financial freedom allowed me to have an unconventional career that allowed me to become a programmer, a public health activist, and so on. That unlocked many revenue streams for me. In turn, I become even more free to take even bigger risks.

    Many savarna folks start businesses by getting investment from family & friends. This investment can even come in forms of people working for free, because their needs are met in other ways. And once things get going, you can erase all the investments and attribute everything to your hard work. The same is true for folks in academia, or non-profits.

    All of this is why it is said ad nauseum by anti-caste folks that savarnas have social capital and that is the biggest form of caste privilege.

    Aside: At this point it would be unfair for me to not calm the agitated savarna reader who’s going “Hey, but I grew up in poverty and nobody helped me become who I am.” Yes, buddy, I hear you. You are totally aathmanirbhar self-made. This post doesn’t apply to you.

    The problem isn’t social capital per se. The problem is that there is no acknowledgement of social capital. Those with social capital go about their lives and build concepts of what is “just” without the acknowledgement of how privilege is distributed in the society.

    They therefore find it completely acceptable that there is piss-poor standards in most schools, colleges, and training centers across India. There is no push for better education. They find it simply alright to have very few elite institutions that provide reasonable quality of education. They consider it fair that the opportunity to reach these are gatekept by entrance examinations. They don’t even see a connection between these entrance examinations and the worsening quality of education that prioritizes examination focused rote learning.

    When it comes to reservation they oppose it tooth and nail. One of their arguments is “well, instead of having reservation in higher education there should be universal schooling that creates a level playing ground”. Yes, savarna folks care about universal education exactly for the five seconds it takes them to say that sentence.

    If only they cared for it a few minutes more, they would have begun to realize the enormity of the task that lies ahead of us in creating a level playing ground, or even a fighting chance for millions of Indians.

    And that’s the finest of savarna qualities. They talk about huge problems with a graceful smile. They speak about things with a calmness that can only be achieved by someone whose ass is permanently placed in comfort. They do not ever see the need for radical change. If you speak to them about radical change they will gaslight you into thinking that you’re an impractical and arrogant activist who’s not interested in change. They will convince you that incremental, slow change as part of the status quo is the only way to do anything. And then they will continue to do nothing.

    And in that inaction, they enable the perpetuation of a harmful and violent status quo. They normalize all of the violence, all of the discrimination, and all of the resistance to change. They empower the mindset that there are lesser humans and their lives don’t matter, at least not in this generation. They delay change long enough for this generation to disappear and another generation to start fighting the same battles.

    What caste, therefore, creates is not just a hierarchy, but also a resistance to change. Caste through its intricate string-pulling ensures that the hierarchy is seen as acceptable and inevitable. It legitimizes suffering and gives people an excuse to be violent.

    And that is where it meets its closest friend.

    Capitalism cements all injustice in place

    To undo violent hierarchies in the society, we have to actively intervene with humanity and humane values. Capitalism through its single-mindedness on profit leaves no space for values. Therefore, capitalism acts as a cement that solidifies hierarchies in place leaving no wiggle room.

    This could be surprising. The promise was that capitalism doesn’t care about your caste, and therefore anyone can rise up in class through capitalism. The promise was that of upward mobility. But here I am, claiming that capitalism does the exact opposite.

    The claim that capitalism doesn’t care about caste comes from the idea that everyone in the capitalistic system is paid based on market value. And therefore if a dalit can gain enough skills they will be well paid and can rise up in class. The if in that sentence needs a big stress. We already saw above how caste creates systemic barriers for people to gain education and opportunities. The market does not see those barriers. The market only sees how much profit the person in front of you can generate. Therefore, the capitalist indirectly uses caste based logic to hire.

    It is not just indifference. Caste-based hiring allows the capitalist to make more profit than what caste-blind hiring allows him to do. You can exploit someone more if they are already seen by the society as less of a human! You can pay them lesser than other humans. You can make them work extra hours. And you can make them do jobs that other humans would refuse to do.

    Vice versa, you hire charming savarnas for the good jobs. Regardless of how mediocre they’re in their work, they can operate smoothly in the system. They are low-risk hires because they are allowed by everyone to make unlimited mistakes.

    Capitalism’s far greater contribution towards caste is in building and maintaining larger structures that perpetuate caste.

    The biggest of such structures is the state. Capitalism operates governments. The most recent example is Donald Trump and Elon Musk. Every politician in power is a representative of capitalism. Narendra Modi is himself a capitalist who operates through a puppet named Adani. Everyone bows to the pressure of money that capitalism puts on them.

    The influence is not just on political leaders at the top. It falls on all leaders at all levels, and bureaucrats too. Through such tight control of the state, capitalism then determines what gets state’s assent and what gets state’s dissent.

    The state in turn allocates less budget to education, health, livelihood, etc, and makes that money available for the capitalistic needs. With lesser budget to those sectors, there’s further degradation of schools, hospitals, and jobs. People become even more poorly skilled, sicker, and get trapped in jobs that barely allow them to survive.

    Capitalism also silences the civil society, including academicians and non-profits. It does this in two ways. Firstly, it makes invalid all logic other than economic logic. Any research has to be centered around economic growth. All NGOs have to work towards scalable, sustainable models. Secondly, it puts people in dilemmas where they have to choose to retain their income or give it up to pursue relevant problems. It does this by controlling how activities are funded. Civil society is funded eventually by capitalists directly or by capitalistic logic operating through state or citizens. Therefore, these people are always held accountable by the capitalistic system to itself. And capitalism doesn’t like to fund trouble makers.

    One might say, but it is not all about money, the civil society can decide to operate without money. Yes, but capitalism is making it increasingly impossible to do that. It makes more and more people think about work and life only in terms of transactions. It destroys safety nets like free healthcare and that in turn puts the fear of death in activists. These days capitalism also tightly controls everyone’s attention, thereby depriving activists and civil society ways to organize effectively.

    Q: How do you kill the most radical organization?
    A: You fund it.

    You can easily destroy an organization by putting money into it. When money flows into an organization everyone’s thinking gets distorted. All radicalism gets defused into market logic. The latter part of the organization’s life will revolve around how to keep money coming in. People will start distrusting each other. Work will start getting quantified and values will vanish. It will very rapidly adopt capitalistic thinking and become part of the status quo.

    Capitalism puts every person in a hamster wheel where they are constantly running without reaching anywhere. While caste normalizes social hierarchies, capitalism gives people a permanent distraction, a permanent excuse to not care about social hierarchies.

    Conclusion

    Caste and capitalism are intricately tied with each other, especially in 21st century. Seeing them together can give us deeper insights into both of them.

  • ‘Democracy’ is a Useless Word

    Democracy is a word that’s vague and has multiple meanings. It is often used as an excuse for not doing anything. The use of the word should raise suspicion about the intentions of the speaker.

    Most people when explaining democracy start with an even worse definition of the word: “government of the people, by the people, for the people“. This was uttered by an American politician in 1863. Like most political speeches, it is designed to sound profound but leaves enough room to play soccer within that definition, let alone misinterpret it according to convenience.

    The clearest word in that sentence is “government”. Democracy is seen there as a system on how to operate an extremely large group of people (known as a “country” or a “nation”). But the 4 remaining words — “of”, “by”, “for”, and “the people” — give us very little information about what democracy is.

    The words of the people can either mean it is a system of governing the people, which would make it redundant considering that there’s already government before it which means the same, or it could mean it is a system which is composed of people, which would make it mean the same as by the people.

    When it comes to by the people, we have to think about the history of when this was being used. It was used at a time when some people were considered royal, or of a different class, and these people were operating the government. In that context by refers to redistribution of power.

    For the people can also be understood in the same context as having a direction and purpose which is in the benefit of the people as opposed to only benefiting the royal class.

    By far the most disturbing word there is the people. It was 57 years later in 1920 that women could vote in national elections in the United States of America. So when Abraham Lincoln said “of the people, by the people, and for the people” it didn’t include women. And that’s the only definition of democracy that most of us can recite.

    To be fair, today’s NCERT textbook seems to be really trying to make us think past that useless definition. Quoting Ribiang and Lyngdoh Madam from it:

    Ribiang: But why do we need to work on a definition? The other day you quoted Abraham Lincoln to us: “Democracy is government of the people, by the people and for the people”. We in Meghalaya always ruled ourselves. That is accepted by everyone. Why do we need to change that?

    Lyngdoh Madam: I am not saying we need to change it. I too find this definition very beautiful. But we don’t know if this is the best way of defining unless we think about it ourselves. We must not accept something just because it is famous, just because everyone accepts it.

    Such a fascinating call for critical thinking in Class IX social science textbook! The rest of the chapter is fantastic too and it talks about free & fair elections and constitutional rights. It ends by saying that there is an expanded notion of what’s democracy when people say sentences like: “We are a very democratic family. Whenever a decision has to be taken, we all sit down and arrive at a consensus. My opinion matters as much as my father’s.

    When I say democracy is a useless word, I’m mostly concerned about this expanded scope of the word which is applied not at nation-state levels, but at smaller levels like organizations and groups. In discussing that, we will look at the meaning of the word in its form-of-government sense too.

    What people mean by democracy

    A large number of people mean “majority rule” when they say democracy. This is where you have fascists destroying institutions and putting political opponents behind bars. In smaller groups, this attitude translates to “let us put this to vote”. If a “democratic” organization makes decisions based on what wins a majority vote, it is a majoritarian organization.

    Some others explicitly call this out as majoritarianism and consider a democracy as one where the rights of the minority are upheld. There is greater emphasis on a previously agreed set of rights and protection of these rights. In smaller groups this operates as a “consensus-based decision making”. Every individual will have the right to veto a decision and there will be an attempt to form a consensus.

    We can already see how complicated the latter would be. Regardless of how much emphasis there is on consensus, it is easy for a dedicated individual to prevent consensus formation. Consensus formation requires a shared desire to reach consensus. And this becomes disproportionately more difficult in larger groups.

    There’s another reason why consensus is difficult.

    “Constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated. We must realise that our people have yet to learn it. Democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil which is essentially undemocratic.”

    ~Dr B. R. Ambedkar

    If democracy is a decision making process, and it is a consensus based decision making process and not majoritarianism, then there’s a value system that’s required to be shared by everyone such that there is consensus. That value system is called constitutional morality.

    Constitutional morality is composed of values like liberty, equality, and fraternity. Non-majoritarian democracy can exist only when these values exist.

    Can non-majoritarian democracies exist?

    At the scale of a nation state, it is impossible to have a non-majoritarian democracy. Let’s take India even before Narendra Modi. The Aadhaar project, for example, came up in that India. It was vocally vetoed by several thousands of people. Even the Supreme Court eventually declared it unconstitutional. Yet, Aadhaar was made a reality by a government that wasn’t even called fascist.

    It is with that realization that the constitution of India goes to great detail about fundamental rights and how to protect them. While the decision making shall always be majoritarian, the fundamental rights and institutions like judiciary leave a loophole through which those left behind can negotiate.

    And as long as the majority has not gone fascist, these loopholes allow enough space for those others to live peacefully. And vice versa, the moment majority turns fascist, these other things crumple and the majoritarianism shows its true colors.

    In other words, a non-majoritarian democracy is a make-believe game played by a majoritarian democracy when there’s no crisis. The moment there’s a crisis, those who hold power will come out and sort things out in ways they want.

    At the scale of nation-states this happens through raw physical power, through police, army, gun, and machines. People are physically put in jail, or murdered. Some of this power is now operational through virtual spaces and can manifest as blocking website, taking down channel, and so on. But even these blocks are enforced through physical network infrastructure that’s operated by human beings.

    It is also interesting to note what happens when there is a military coup in a “democratic” nation. The constitution, the election, the institutions, the people, they’re all the same. But the guy with the gun is now ruling the country. How’s that possible?

    It is possible, because at its core, there’s nothing called a democratic government. There is raw physical power, and in a complicated series of social role-plays, this is often held by a power center which also happens to be elected by a majority. If the social role-plays are gone, then the whole thing collapses into its true form.

    Surely these don’t apply to small groups, right?

    One could be mistaken that smaller groups — like an online discussion group, or an NGO — do not have such central power. After all, how many times have we heard “this is a democratic space” being used in these contexts?

    Look at how decisions are made and enforced in these spaces, and you’ll see the same pattern as in nation-states. There is a complicated social role-play. But eventually the decision making power is vested with whoever legally controls the NGO, or whoever is the administrator of the group. If you can kick someone out, you hold the ultimate power in that space.

    So, all of the consensus process and “democratic decision-making” in these spaces are actually power delegated by the ultimate authority.

    For a thought-exercise, let us imagine that there is an online group, and through some technical glitch nobody can get kicked out of it. Isn’t that the ideal democratic group?

    As long as there are no decisions to make, this works out. And in a large number of online groups which are merely spaces for people to spend time talking to each other, there are no decisions to be made. And therefore this works out.

    But if there is the tiniest decision to be made, it no longer will work. Say someone says “let us change the group name”. Suddenly there’s the need for a decision making process. And till that is established first, the name will likely remain the same.

    Democracy is biased towards the status quo

    Akshay

    Let us do say the group is really interested in this problem. There are several possibilities.

    If everyone in the group likes a new name, the problem vanishes. The name gets changed. This is perfect consensus. But this rarely happens. This is easier to happen in very small groups. This is easier when the group is largely comprised of people thinking similarly or like each other.

    If a large number of people like a new name, but a few like the old name, the problem takes on a new dimension.

    • Those who are in the minority could face social pressure and agree to go with the new name — consensus through social pressure — and the name gets changed.
    • The group might decide that till everyone agrees on the name, it won’t be changed, and the name will remain the same.
    • The group might just decide that the majority vote will decide the new name — majoritarian democracy.

    Did you notice how I sneaked in “group might decide”. How will the group decide how to decide this problem? How will the group know whether to go with a majoritarian vote or a consensus process?

    This is where no group is void of power hierarchies.

    Even in a group where everyone is an administrator, those who joined first or those who are more senior in real world could hold more power. If, say, this is Beast Games and a hundred people were randomly picked into a group at once, there would still be differences in physical attributes that give some people more “power”. Someone might look more intimidating, someone might speak more persuasively. These “natural” leaders tend to gain power.

    The other possibility is that there are two or more leaders who emerge and they have different ideas as to what should happen. In this situation, if the stakes are high, the group will split into factions.

    But often what happens is that there is no high stakes, there’s not much to gain by splitting the group, and things will just continue based on the energy of the most vocal person/group. Those who disagree might either live with the choice, or just leave the group.

    Over time this will lead to the group degrading in what it seeks to achieve by retaining the energy and enthusiasm of a very small “core” active group. And they become the power center, and the group now has a power hierarchy.

    Let’s do a different thought experiment. What happens if one member of the group just unilaterally decides to change the name? Social norms prevent this from happening usually, but there can still be people who violate this. The following could happen:

    • The action can get reverted by someone else
    • The group just discusses it for a while and moves on (with the name remaining changed)

    What if the name change is indeed reverted, and the deviant person changes the name again?

    These might seem esoteric situations, but a lot of “norms” are violated consistently in various groups. And whether these are problematized depends on the people in the group. And whether these are addressed depends on the power hierarchies in the group.

    And remember we are operating in the ridiculous constraints of our thought experiment. In most groups, there’s real power that’s obvious and straightforward to see. And all decisions ultimately are enforced through these power structures. And the decision making process is consequently determined by these power structures.

    Just think about the work of Women in Cinema Collective in Kerala film industry. Most woman were facing harassment from men. This could be considered “violation of social norm”. And after a lot of hard work and deep politics things perhaps changed a tiny bit. WCC problematized the issue. But who can “address” it? Problematizing helps and is only the first step. But enforcement of justice is left to those who wield real power, which in case of Malayalam film industry is those who hold the money (or those who hold the guns).

    Democratic groups are groups playing social role-play under benevolence of power

    As in the nation-state, a group which describes itself as “democratic” is just a group which plays the social game of democracy under the supervision of benevolent power structures. The rules of the game are often ad-hoc, made by and imposed by the power structures.

    We might consider that human beings are social animals, and such social constructs are how we always operate. But in this essay what I’m trying to argue is that this fact — that a democracy is just a game of entertaining participants under the supervision of a kind dictator — is often not realized by the participants themselves. And that has to do with the vagueness and uselessness of the word democracy.

    Nobody is allowed to question what a democracy means. It falls like a command that stops all further discussions.

    • Does it mean that everyone will agree with everyone else?
    • If there are disagreements, how will those be resolved?
    • Are there some basic rules everyone is expected to follow?
    • If so, are these rules themselves amenable to change?

    What use is this analysis?

    You might see groups that don’t have answers to these questions that still exist. And then you might show that as examples of why these questions are irrelevant.

    And I will agree with you when it comes to certain groups.

    There are groups whose purpose is to be a space where a large number of people will put their attention. The idea is to just be a notice board where things can move. A ‘digital town square’ or a ‘digital public square’, an example of which is the now defunct Twitter.

    For such a space decision making is unnecessary. Anyone can post anything. Free speech is the only right to protect.

    But if any group claims to be anything more, like:

    • Pro-people, pro-poor
    • Action group
    • Movement group
    • For a fairer world
    • Safe space
    • Caring space

    If anything more than “a public square” is in the group’s description, then the use of the word “democracy” is a red flag.

    If you are pro-people or pro-poor, you have to do things and change things for people. You have to necessarily be an action group. And an action group needs to have clear decision making structures.

    If you are a safe space, you have to ensure that there’s psychological safety for everyone involved. And that requires very strict ground rules, quickly enforced, about how one can speak and what one can say.

    When people do not have the energy or commitment to make a space pro-people, or make it a caring safe space, they hide behind words like democracy. And this leads to the group becoming just a public square.

    A public square is not bad in itself. But being a good public square requires its own commitment. Again, if you lack energy for that commitment, just hide behind the word “democracy”.

    Democracy in that sense is a very useful word. It helps people avoid spending energy. When you’re confused about what to do with a group, just call it a democracy and be done with it.

  • The Logic of Social Justice

    Today in a discussion at IPH, Meena said “we should all fight against discrimination”. And Prashanth asked “Isn’t that your personal politics? What if people don’t agree with it?” What Prashanth was really asking was “Is there any logic to the demand for social justice?” “Isn’t it just politics?”

    This is the same discussion I had over lunch with Viswanathan (CVN) at MFC’s mid-annual meet in Kozhikode. CVN is widely known for saying “Science is the only way of knowing” which I have wrote about in the past. In the meet also CVN made the same point (I have posted a transcript of the comment here). CVN told about the enlightenment project

    […]By the term “modern society”, I mean a society that upholds the values of “liberty, equality, fraternity and justice”. These values, which we call constitutional values, are really values of ‘Enlightenment’ – or ‘European Enlightenment’ if you insist.

    Enlightenment project is a sociopolitical project that nobody likes in today’s India. The right wing hates it, the left wing has only contempt for it. Of course, this was always a minority’s concern in our country, historically speaking. Unlike the ‘National movement’, this ‘movement’ – if you can call it that name – came up from the ‘depressed castes’. If I am to name a few ‘big names’ that would represent this camp, almost everyone comes from the Dalit-Bahujan background. Mahatma Phule, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Thanthai Periyar, Mahatma Ayyankali, Sahodaran Ayyappan – all from the depressed castes. This is a movement that developed as a response to the day-to-day existential insults heaped upon the depressed caste people over millenia.[…]

    So while eating chicken and ghee rice, I asked CVN, “if you say science is the only way of knowing, how do you know that the values of enlightenment is what we need to work towards?” I was asking what’s the “logic” of working for social justice. 

    CVN initially said “This is outside the realm of science. It is a question for morality.”

    But I wouldn’t relent. I was like “We KNOW that social justice is the right thing. And ‘science’ is the only way of knowing. Then what’s the logic with which we say social justice is the right thing?” I said it was important for us to articulate that logic or if not we wouldn’t have any way to convince others that it was important to fight for social justice.*

    *I actually said that we do have a few other ways. One is to use guns. Another is to use love. And that I am exploring the latter. But the quest for a logic was so important.

    CVN sought more time to think about it.

    And that brings me to an important fight with the postmodernists. In mfc group, I’ve had several sleepless days debating with a bunch of people who think that we have no way of knowing whether homeopathy, ayurveda, etc could be bullshit. That there’s a “possibility” that these are true. That our ability to know the “truth” will always be influenced by where we’re coming from. They think we’re living in some crazy world where we can never know anything, and just everything could be true.

    In that fight, it became clear to me that there is some sort of “logic” which I was looking for in everything. That it is this “logic” or rationality that I was calling science. In another discussion with Prashanth we decided to not call it ‘science’ because it was confused by several people to mean the establishment, but to call it ‘jnana’ or so.

    So, science (broadly construed), or rationality, or ‘jnana’ whatever you call it, is how we tend to get answers to everything.

    Then what’s the science of social justice? What’s the logic of social justice? 

    How do we ‘know’ that social justice is necessary?

    That’s the crux of the challenge.

    One way to answer this would be that this is beyond the realm of science. That it is politics. Or morality.

    If you’ve gone through Michael Sandel’s famous course or book on “Justice”, you’ll notice that MS gives many different “logics” – utilitarianism, libertarianism, Kant, Aristotle, etc. But again, the choice is left to us. So we’re again left with the question of “what’s the logic of our choice to work for social justice and how do we objectively describe it to a skeptic?”

    Let’s do the 2024 thing, and ask Claude.ai what it thinks.

    You’ve raised a profound and challenging question that gets to the heart of moral philosophy. You’re correct that there’s no universally agreed-upon, objective foundation for pursuing justice or any other moral goal. This leads us to the realm of metaethics – the study of the nature of ethical statements and judgments.
    There are several perspectives on this:

    • Moral Realism: Some philosophers argue that objective moral truths exist independently of what any individual or culture believes. Under this view, pursuing justice could be objectively right, even if we can’t always discern what justice entails.
    • Moral Relativism: This view holds that moral truths are relative to cultures or individuals. From this perspective, justice is indeed optional, as it’s just one of many possible value systems.
    • Moral Non-Cognitivism: This approach suggests that moral statements aren’t truth-apt (capable of being true or false) but are expressions of emotion or prescriptions for action.
    • Evolutionary Ethics: Some argue that our sense of justice and morality evolved because it was beneficial for group survival, but this doesn’t necessarily make it objectively “true.”
    • Pragmatism: This view suggests we should pursue justice because it leads to better outcomes for societies, even if we can’t prove it’s objectively correct.

    You’re right that, in a sense, all moral frameworks are “optional.” There’s no physical law of the universe that compels us to be just or moral. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that morality is arbitrary or unimportant.
    Many philosophers argue that even without an objective foundation, we can still have robust, rational discussions about ethics and justice. They suggest that we can use reason, empathy, and shared human experiences to build ethical frameworks that, while not objectively provable, are defensible and beneficial.
    Moreover, from a practical standpoint, societies need some shared ethical framework to function. While the specifics of what constitutes justice may vary, the concept of justice itself seems to be a near-universal feature of human societies.
    In the end, whether to pursue justice (or any moral goal) is a choice we make as individuals and societies. But it’s a choice with profound implications for how we live and interact with others. The lack of an objective foundation doesn’t negate the importance of these choices; if anything, it makes our moral deliberations even more crucial.

    That should settle it. If generations of philosophers haven’t found an answer, can we really find a logic to social justice?

    But there’s an alluring charm to the search for a logic. If only we had an objective way to say justice is right, we could go about our lives much more easily. We just have to tell everyone the logic and abracadabra they are now working for social justice too. The whole world could just be transformed.

    Yet there’s no logic. And therefore the fight for social justice is hard. It is an illogical choice. It is something we enter into through our own free will. And so all the methods of how we transfer “knowledge” comes of no use for us. Because it is not “knowledge”. Social justice is a choice. How do we convey our choice to someone else? That’s the question we actually need to answer. 

    As I’ve written before, after exploring power and realizing it doesn’t work I’ve been exploring love as a framework for this. I’ll write soon about how this has been working out for me in the last two years.

  • Ambedkar and Gandhi — They Couldn’t Have Been Friends

    For plenty of reasons, Ambedkar never considered Gandhi as “Mahatma”. And “naturally”, Gandhi rarely understood Ambedkar. In my experience of understanding how my privileges influence how I act, I believe that I’ve been able to appreciate where the difference between Ambedkar and Gandhi arise from. This is perhaps obvious to many scholars. But it was a shower-thought for me.

    Gandhi comes from privilege. Gandhi’s thoughts and ideas are all related to those privileges. That Gandhi chooses to wear lungi is because Gandhi wants to shun those privileges to be able to be able to feel right. I had/have the same thought process when it comes to clothing. I don’t like dressing up smart. Because I think from the privileged position of Gandhi. For me, losing my privilege is what gives me mental satisfaction. 

    When mfc was organizing the annual meeting on discrimination in healthcare, there was this debate on whether to put “Dr” prefix on people’s names. The philosophy that drives mfc is mostly Gandhian. They consider calling each other by first name and stripping titles as natural. I also think like this. I never put “Dr” next to my name. Shunning privileges.

    In another group, in Dalit History Month, there was a poster shared about an event related to remembering Ambedkar. It referred to Ambedkar as “B. R. Ambedkar” and not as “Dr. B. R. Ambedkar”. And some people rightly pointed out how stripping Ambedkar of the “Dr” title is a deliberate act. Ambedkar has to be referred to as “Dr”. And Ambedkar will always appear well dressed with a suit and a tie. These are revolutionary acts with immense meaning to Dalits.

    When there is no privilege to shun, what point is shunning privilege going to make?

    The same philosophy appears in a few other places too. At the mfc meet Anoop Kumar spoke about their life journey and gave incredible examples on how to change things for Dalits. Among the questions posed was a mediocre one as to what his thoughts on “Dalit Capitalism” were. Anoop brushed the question aside saying how not every battle can be fought at once and how Dalits should also get a chance to oppress now — obviously exposing the caste insensitive framing of the question.

    On the next day, the moderator of the concluding session, out of nowhere, made a comment saying how they disagreed with Anoop’s point. And Gandhi was quoted for assistance — “An eye for an eye will leave everyone blind.” Setting aside the fact that this was a misrepresented position being argued against, one can look critically at non-violence as Gandhi professed.

    Fasting, one of the most used “weapons” of Gandhi, makes no sense to people who are already starving. Imagine people being denied PDS through Aadhaar going on a fast unto death! They’re already starving to death. In non-violent methods, essentially, one can see people with privilege converting the every day violence faced by others into a method of protest.

    Non-violence also requires infinite tolerance of the status quo. If you’re frustrated with the way things are and lash out, that’s not Gandhian. If you are tired of the bullshit and call out the crap, you’re being violent. Again, the methods of patience are easier for those who aren’t mentally or physically affected by the problems.

    Ambedkar and Gandhi could never have been friends. Because Gandhi spoke the language of privilege. And Ambedkar spoke from the lived experience of oppression. If Gandhi would acknowledge privileges and own up the influence of those in the Gandhian methods, Ambedkar might have been okay to be friends. But Gandhi’s insensitivity towards caste would never make that possible. And neither would Ambedkar’s methods be okay for Gandhi. And that’s why they couldn’t have been friends. Because of Gandhi’s ignorance.

  • Book Review: Everything is Obvious – Once You Know The Answers

    I first saw this book in the Internet Freedom Foundation thread on which books people there were reading. Then I saw it on Scott Young’s blog which I have been following since childhood. I never got around to reading it till yesterday when I got into a 19 hour train ride to reach Sevagram for medico friend circle’s annual meeting.

    There was no better time to read the book because mfc’s meeting this year is on caste; caste is one of those sociological phenomenons that defy common sense thinking every day; and this book is about “how common sense fails us” and why sociology is not  merely common sense.

    What Duncan Watts has done is write a book specifically for a particular niche of people. This niche includes those people who become so used to straightforward deterministic sciences that they start seeing the limitations of it and look at larger and more comprehensive studies of human kind. Duncan went from learning physics to becoming a sociologist. This is exactly the route that Nihal is taking (from law to policy). And the route I’m taking from medicine to history. And the biggest issue that we face when we take this route is this unprecedented predominance of uncertainty.

    That sociology is more complicated than rocket science. That there are no grand rules waiting to be discovered which will solve all questions. That there are no silver bullets. This is a hard realization. Not one that’s impossible. With enough interdisciplinary exploration and generalization people like Nihal and I do discover that the world is full of uncertainties. But it’s just so difficult to settle for that. “It feels wrong”. 

    And this book makes it feel right. Well, not exactly. But at least it makes it a palatable truth that the world is extremely complicated. It also protects us from common sense thinking that makes us settle for simplistic explanations that push us into silver bullet solutions. This book, you must read, if you have asked this question “What on earth does a sociologist do?” Once you read it, you’ll feel like the contents of the book itself is obvious. And that’s the whole point of the book. Everything is obvious, once you know the answers.